Islamic Republic of Iran Army soldiers and pilots marching in front of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (former deputy commander-in-chief of the Army of Iran) and highest ranking commanders of Armed Forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran during Islamic Republic of Iran Army Day.
As President Donald Trump weighs whether to deploy American military force against Iran’s nuclear facilities within the next two weeks, the conservative movement finds itself locked in its most consequential foreign policy debate since the Iraq War.
On one side, those in favor of escalation argue this moment represents America’s last realistic chance to prevent a nuclear-armed theocracy from reshaping the Middle East balance of power.
On the other, voices warn that another Middle Eastern intervention could shatter Trump’s “America First” coalition and drag the nation into an endless conflict that serves foreign interests over American ones.
The stakes of this internal debate extend far beyond party politics.
Trump’s decision will either validate the traditional Republican foreign policy establishment’s belief that American global leadership requires decisive military action against existential threats, or cement the ascendance of a new isolationist wing that views overseas entanglements as fundamentally contrary to national interests.
With Iran potentially months away from nuclear weapons capability, the choice Trump makes in the coming days may determine not only the future of the Middle East, but the ideological direction of American conservatism for the next generation.
Conservative foreign policy veterans view the current moment as a strategic gift that may never be repeated. With Israeli forces having already degraded Iran’s air defense systems and exposed nuclear facilities to attack, supporters of military action argue that waiting would be tantamount to accepting an Iranian bomb.
“A nuclear Iran is dangerous for peace and stability, not just in the Middle East, but throughout the world,” argues Rep. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.), who backs any presidential decision to strike Iranian nuclear facilities.
Lawler’s position reflects a broader conservative belief that Iranian nuclear weapons would trigger an unstoppable regional arms race, with Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Egypt rushing to develop their own nuclear arsenals to counter Tehran’s influence.
Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina has been even more explicit in his advocacy, telling Trump in a private phone call, “This is a historic moment. Four presidents have promised that they won’t get a nuclear weapon on your watch. You can fulfill that promise.”
Graham’s message to the president was unambiguous: “If diplomacy fails… help Israel finish the job. Give them bombs, fly with them if necessary… If you want to convince international terrorism we mean business, you’ve got to finish the job with Iran.”
The Heritage Foundation has consistently identified Iran’s radical Islamist regime as the greatest long-term Middle Eastern threat to the United States and its allies.
Hawks argue that Israel’s initial strike demonstrated air superiority and inflicted serious damage on nuclear infrastructure that took decades to develop. While Israeli forces can cripple these facilities, only American bunker-busting capabilities can destroy deeply buried targets.
Military analysts warn that delaying further action would give Iran time to rebuild its air defenses, disperse nuclear assets, and potentially cross the nuclear threshold before such an opportunity arises again.
The credibility argument still resonates with traditional conservatives. As one Republican policy expert noted, both allies and adversaries are watching to see whether decades of U.S. promises to stop Iran’s nuclear program were serious commitments or just empty rhetoric.
Hawks argue that failure to act would signal a broader American retreat from global leadership at a time when China and Russia are openly challenging the international order.
But this consensus now faces mounting resistance from Trump’s base. Influential conservative voices who helped elect him are questioning whether Israeli security interests align with America’s.
Tucker Carlson has warned against supporting what he calls the “war-hungry government” of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu.
“If Israel wants to wage this war, it has every right to do so,” Carlson said. “But not with America’s backing,” adding it could “fuel the next generation of terrorism” and cost American lives “in the name of a foreign agenda.”
Even staunch pro-Israel figures like Charlie Kirk acknowledge the shift: “Our MAGA base does not want a war at all. They do not want U.S. involvement.” On Capitol Hill, skepticism is growing. Senator Rand Paul stated, “It’s not the U.S.’ job to be involved in this war,” and Representative Thomas Massie declared, “This is not our war. We should not engage our military here.”
President Trump now stands between two competing visions of conservatism. While reportedly open to using U.S. military assets to strike Iranian nuclear facilities, he remains cautious about being drawn into another Middle East war, and deeply attuned to the political risks within his own base.
His decision will shape whether the GOP continues to follow the “peace through strength” doctrine championed by Heritage Foundation scholars or adopts a more restrained approach focused on domestic priorities over global commitments.
In a Middle East region increasingly defined by nuclear rivalry and proxy warfare, that philosophical choice may prove as consequential as any military strike.
The post To bomb or not to bomb: The Debate Over Attacking Iran appeared first on The Gateway Pundit.